The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is celebrating 100 years since its inception—a remarkable journey for an organisation that was long considered untouchable and ridiculed by the intellectual class yet has not only survived, but thrived.
The Congress, with its glorious legacy of members like Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, Tilak, and Bose, has fractured multiple times; the Socialists—once led by JP and Lohia—have become almost unrecognisable, splintering so often that their divisions are beyond count; even the Communists have seen splits, resulting in a proliferation of leftist parties. The RSS, in contrast, has had none of this. Even though it is not an intellectual movement, it has successfully developed a process—driven by patience and resilience—that has propelled it as a hegemonic force. If the Congress fails to course-correct, it won’t be a surprise if the 21st century is seen as belonging to the RSS and Hindutva.
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Keeping Up With The Times
The RSS has a remarkable ability to adapt to changing circumstances without losing its ideological foundation. Sure, it may have withdrawn certain chapters of Bunch of Thoughts or moderated some of Golwalkar’s statements, but it has never compromised on its core ideology. After Gandhi’s assassination and in the towering presence of Nehru and Indira Gandhi, the RSS—operating through the Jan Sangh and later the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—avoided overt anti-Muslim rhetoric, instead engaging in the constitutional and parliamentary process. However, after Indira Gandhi’s passing and Rajiv Gandhi’s ascent, the RSS saw an opportunity to openly advance Hindutva through the Ram Mandir movement. It sidelined Atal Bihari Vajpayee, elevating hardliner LK Advani as the face of its agenda. Later, when coalition politics demanded a more moderate stance, Vajpayee was brought back, eventually serving as Prime Minister for six years.
By 2013, with the Congress deeply discredited and the conditions ripe for Hindutva’s resurgence, the RSS preferred Narendra Modi to lead the BJP.
The last 10 years have been particularly fertile for the growth of Hindutva. The strength of the RSS should not be measured by the number of states the BJP has won, the offices and buildings it has constructed, or the growth of its shakhas and new members. Instead, its true strength is reflected in how widely the ideology of Hindutva has been accepted by a significant section of Hindus. Electoral victories and physical expansion are merely superficial indicators of success—temporary in nature. What is more fundamental and enduring is the exponential rise in Hindu consciousness and pride.
Hindu Consciousness
The RSS has successfully dismantled the earlier hesitation among Hindus towards openly embracing their identity. Not too long ago, many Hindus were reluctant to wear their religious identity on their sleeves, fearing that doing so would lead to accusations of communalism and a significant perception loss. The socio-political ecosystem was dominated by left-liberal thought, which discouraged overt religious identities. Religion was confined to the private sphere, and it was widely preached and practised that India, as a secular state, must maintain a clear separation between religion and politics.
However, that has changed in the last 10 years. Under the state’s patronage, Hindu identity is worn more aggressively than ever, with competitive displays common. While a majority of upper-caste Hindus are fully aligned with Hindutva, sections of OBCs and Dalits have also joined this movement, shedding their reservations about asserting their Hindu identity. These are the ‘New Hindus’—a group whose idiom and language differ from those of traditional Hindus.
This socio-cultural metamorphosis carries an inherent flaw, however. Its foundation is built on hatred toward Muslims, which has left both a large section of Hindus—including many silent supporters of Hindutva—and Muslims wary of a disruptive present and a potentially challenging future. There is growing apprehension that if the current trajectory continues unchecked, it could lead to widespread disruptions.
A Dilemma
Ironically, while the RSS takes great pride in its mission to unite Hindus as a civilisational goal, this has also created fissures within. Hindus are now highly polarised. The aggressive rhetoric of BJP leaders, coupled with the active connivance of the state apparatus, has instilled fear and anxiety in a segment of the Hindu population.
It appears that the RSS leadership is aware of the dangers posed by the aggressive Hindutva embraced by the ‘New Hindus’. Since 2018, statements from RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat suggest an acknowledgement of this risk.
The Nagpur Violence
In this context, the statement by senior RSS functionary Sunil Ambekar—that Mughal emperor Aurangzeb is “not relevant now”—assumes significance. He further remarked: “I think any type of violence is not good for society.” Ambekar was commenting on the Nagpur violence, which was triggered by aggressive statements from Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal leaders, who demanded that Aurangzeb’s tomb be razed. As rumours spread, they incited anger among sections of the Muslim community, leading to stone-pelting and the burning of public property. More than 40 people, including several police officers, were injured.
If Ambekar’s intention is to suggest that Aurangzeb is a historical figure of the past and that there is no merit in revisiting the issue to settle scores with the Muslim community, then his statement is a welcome one. In the past, Bhagwat, too, has made several statements that seem aimed at softening the aggressive stance of Hindutva warriors. In 2018, he made a particularly significant remark: “Without Muslims, Hindutva is incomplete.” However, this had little impact on hardcore Hindutva proponents.
Similarly, in response to the court order to investigate whether a temple once existed at the mosque adjacent to the Kashi Vishwanath temple, Bhagwat stated, “Why search for a shivling in every mosque?” Yet, soon after, in the run-up to the 2024 elections, India witnessed one of the most communal poll campaigns in its history, where BJP stalwarts openly said things like “batenge to katenge” (if divided, we’ll die) and “ek hain to safe hain” (united, we are safe).
This raises serious questions about the implications of Sunil Ambekar’s statement about Aurangzeb. One could argue that the RSS has been riding a ferocious tiger—one that thrives on hatred for Muslims. Taming it is no easy task. Yet, at the very least, there seems to be an attempt to alter its course.
Is the RSS genuinely committed to change? Let us wait and watch.
(Ashutosh is the author of ‘Hindu Rashtra’ and co-founder of SatyaHindi.com)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
